[ End of article ]
The connection between the Finnish immigrant groups in the United States and Canada has not received much study thus far. In the histories of the Finns in North America there are frequent references to the migration of the Finns at different times in search of job opportunities, farmland, escaping military service, or for some other reasons.1 These works also illustrate the need for a thorough study in this field, which would perhaps place some of the connections and migration between the two countries in a historical perspective and analyse the factors which influenced the movement.
In this paper an effort will be made to explore this field of research and to give some suggestions for further studies. The topic will be examined from three different levels: what were the personal contacts between the supporters of the Finnish labour movements in Canada and the United States; of what nature were the organizational connections; and, finally, what was the type of general cultural contacts as seen through the labour movements. The term labour movement in this context is used to indicate those people who were in organized activities in Finnish-American labour organizations in the United States or Canada, or their less active supporters - that is, those who read the labour movement's papers and literature and occasionally attended their meetings. This definition includes the socialist groups, in specific terms the social democrats and communists, and the syndicalists, who in the United States belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and in Canada supported the One Big Union. The term is not meant to refer to every labourer or worker, since this definition would include practically all the Finnish immigrants in North America.
First, it is necessary to present a short survey of the development of the Finnish labour organizations. Migration from Finland to America was actually started in the second half of the nineteenth century, the United States being the primary goal for migrants. By the beginning of the First World War more than 200,000 Finns had arrived in the United States and since the 1870s they had started developing associational life. First were formed churches, then temperance groups and from the 1890s workers' organizations. The major achievement in the labour movement was the founding of Yhdysvaltain Suomalainen Sosialistijärjestö, the Finnish Socialist Federation (FSF) in 1906. By 1913 the FSF had more than 13,000 members in good standing with 260 branches across the country. There followed the ideological split between the socialists and those who favoured the syndicalist-oriented IWW. A few thousand members left the Finnish Socialist Federation. Another split occurred in the American Socialist Party after the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the First World War, when the communist movement began to take root. The majority in the FSF supported communism; the Federation turned to the extreme left, joined the American communist movement and had about 6,000 communist members in the early 1920s. At this time they made up almost one half the membership of the communist Workers Party of America.2
The Canadian census of 1911 showed 15,497 Finns in Canada and by 1921 their numbers had arisen to more than 21,000. In the later decades the Finns increasingly moved to Canada, and by 1961 their number had reached almost 60,000.3 The Finnish history in Canada resembles that of the United States since the same striking kind of development is seen in organizational and labour history.
The first socialist-minded Finnish associations were formed in Canada during the early years of this century, the first being Suomalainen Seura, the Finnish Society, of Toronto, established in 1902. Organizational affiliation with the Socialist Party of Canada was achieved through individual membership from 1905 onwards. The question of forming a central organization for the Finnish labour movement in Canada was taken up, and according to the Canadian Finnish socialist leader, J. W. Ahlqvist, it began to take practical form after the founding of the Finnish Socialist Federation in the United States.4 The FSF thus served as an important model for the Canadian Finns.
In 1911 the Finnish workers' associations in Canada formed the Canadan Suomalainen Sosialistijärjestö, the Finnish Socialist Organization of Canada, after contacts and cooperation between the societies in different parts of the country had been established, first on informal then on a more formal level. In 1911 there were 1,205 members in nineteen branches of the Organization and by 1921 the numbers had grown to 2,084 and 57, respectively.5 In Canada, as in the United States, the split occurred between the socialist and communist sympathizers in the early 1920s, and the communists dominated. The Finns, together with the Ukrainians, were one of the major ethnic groups in the Canadian communist movement. In his history of communism in Canada, Ivan Avakumovic has stated that the American communist movement dominated the Canadian one at this time; there even was a question of whether the Canadian communist movement should join the U.S. movement. In Canada the Finns also supported the syndicalists through the One Big Union. It has been estimated that perhaps a few thousand Finnish-Canadians actually supported the OBU, and the IWW had at its peak in the United States several thousand Finnish supporters.
Personal contacts are naturally the first and most common form of cooperation between the Finnish labour movements in Canada and the United States. This was the case particularly in the Great Lakes region and the West coast, where a large Finnish-speaking population lived on the both sides of the border, and where people appear to have moved quite frequently from one country to another. As early as 1899 the "indefinite" border was referred to by Akseli Järnefelt when he stated:
The Canadian Finns, even if they live in a different country, are in frequent contact with the Finns in the United States. No real boundary appears to exist in this respect. In Canada there comes out no Finnish language newspaper, but the more are they able to read the Finnish papers of the United States. If their community life is developed enough they participate in the churches and the temperance movements which have headquarters in the United States.7
This was the situation at the turn of the century, but with a growing population the Finns in Canada later developed a more independent and powerful associational life of their own, as the history of the socialist movement in Canada shows.
Only a few studies have been written on the migration of the Finns from one country to another in North America.8 A sample study was undertaken of 391 Finnish-Americans and their migration over the border, and it was found out that 28 (7.2 per cent) had at some time lived in both countries, 20 of them having moved to the United States after living first in Canada. Of those 8 persons who had moved to Canada from the United States, 4 had moved back to the United States.9 This indicates the strength of the movement from Canada to the United States,10 which was primarily stimulated by the greater economic growth of the United States.
An example of this general population flow between the United States and Canada is the migration of the leaders and activists of the Finnish-American labour movement, fostering as it did personal contacts between the Finns in the two countries and the development of the labour movements. In his history of the Finnish-American labour movement, Elis Sulkanen, a newspaperman who actively participated in the socialist and communist movements, has given short biographies of a number of prominent Finnish-American labour leaders. In his list of 114 persons, 19 (17 per cent) actively participated in the labour movements in Canada and the United States.11 Many of these had been newspapermen in Canada on Työkansa (Working People) or the comic paper Väkäleuka, and thereafter moved to the United States to edit papers there and work in the Finnish Socialist Federation.
Typical of these labour leaders was Frans Josef Syrjälä, originally a tailor by profession, who was one of the first Finnish-Canadians to join the Socialist Party of Canada in 1905,12 and who moved to Fitchburg, Massachusetts, to become the editor of Raivaaja (Pioneer) for many years, and the leader of the Finnish social democratic movement in the United States. Another example is Moses Hahl, who started his active role in the Finnish-Canadian labour movement,13 and later became the editor of Säkeniä (Sparks) and Raivaaja and a well-known author of many books under the name of Hijoppi Rotilainen.
It has to be borne in mind, however, that Sulkanen's list of Finnish-American labour leaders is politically biased. It does not include many political opponents who have worked in both countries, such as John Wiita (alias Henry Puro), who was an important radical socialist and later Finnish-American communist leader. In addition, Matti Kurikka, the leader of the Finnish-American utopist-socialist colony in Sointula, British Columbia, in the early years of this century has been omitted. Sointula was a good example of the cooperation between the Finnish socialists in Canada and the United States. Although it was located in Canada, the majority of its members appear to have originated in the United States. The colony also had a large network of agents on the North American continent; in 1904, there were seventy-seven, only four of whom lived in Canada, two in Finland, and the rest in the United States.14 It is also clear that the lecture tours Kurikka made to gain support for the colony were overwhelmingly aimed at the Finns in the United States, where the great majority of them lived.15
One of the peak periods of Finnish migration from the United States to Canada occurred during the First World War. By 1917 a strong patriotic sentiment had arisen with the country's participation in the war, which was essentially anti-alien and anti-radical by nature. A great number of aliens crossed the border and arrived in Canada because they feared being drafted into the U.S. army. Among these people were several hundred Finnish Americans, including radicals who faced imprisonment in the United States because of their political activities.16 One would assume, however, that a great majority of the Finns who came north at this time, like John Wiita, did so because of the fear of the military service.17
It is impossible to give an accurate estimate of the frequency and importance of the personal contacts over the Canadian border to the Finnish labour movements in the two countries. Correspondence and visits to each of the countries would also provide opportunities to discuss important questions and would have had an effect on the development of the labour movements. It is obvious that these contacts have played an important role especially in the early years of the Canadian-Finnish labour movement, when the Finnish socialist organization in the United States was more mature and stronger and able to offer guidance for political activities and help in organizational questions. Personal contacts would naturally have been of great value during crises in the movements in their relations with American or Canadian society, when help was important for the movement in the other country.
More exact information about the Finnish labour connections between Canada and the United States can be obtained by studying the organizational contacts as documented in materials preserved by the workers' organizations in the two countries. Already prior to the formation of the Finnish Socialist Organization in Canada contacts appear to have existed between the individual Finnish socialist branches in Canada and the Finnish Socialist Federation in the United States. For example, the latter were asked to send speakers to Canada to spread the gospel of socialism.18 Later, speakers were often sent by the Finnish Federation of the United States to Canada.19
An important form of contact was to send delegates to the conferences of the socialist organizations in the two countries. For example, the Finnish-Canadian newspaper Työkansa sent its editor J. V. Kannasto, to the conference of the Finnish Socialist Federation in Hancock, Michigan, in 1909. The meeting decided to let him speak and through him sent greetings to the Canadian socialists.20 In the conference of the FSF in Smithville, Minnesota, in 1912, held in the building owned by the Work People's College, the workers' school under the guidance of the Finnish socialists in the United States, two delegates from Canada, Moses Hahl and Yrjö Mäkelä of Työkansa, also addressed the meeting.21 In a heated discussion about the financial situation, representatives of the Finnish-Canadian socialist movement stated that they had greatly profitted from the publication of the comic paper Väkäleuka, which had also been distributed to the United States. The Finnish Canadians complained that the situation had become more difficult after the Työmies publishing company, then located in Hancock, Michigan, had started the publication of Lapatossu, another comic paper for the Finns. The question of whether one or the other of the papers should cease publication was discussed, but no action seems to have been taken, since both of the papers continued to be published.22 This incident shows how important financially even comic papers were for the labour movements in the United States and Canada.
The Canadian-Finnish socialists did not always send representatives to the meetings of the Finnish Socialist Federation, although they kept in contact with them; after the First World War, however, contacts gradually became closer, and delegates went to U.S. meetings more frequently.23 It would seem that the representatives from the United States side also started to show up at the meetings of the Canadian Finnish Socialist Organization.24 Cooperation becomes ever closer after the First War when the communist group in the Finnish-Canadian movement formed the majority. From the 1920s onwards cooperation took different aspects, and included collaboration in cultural activities. It was inevitable that the Finnish labour movement should be dominated by the United States during the early decades of the twentieth century. It was the older movement and has been well established since the late 1890s. It had a much larger membership and better financial basis which made its activities in many ways superior to the Finnish counterpart in Canada. However, it is not possible to find real evidence that the Finnish-Canadian labour movement actually came under the leadership of the Finnish movement in the United States; it was probably more the type of a relationship in which the Canadians relied on help and advice from the United States. Above both movements there existed the international socialist movement, and from 1919 onwards, for the communists, the Communist International in Moscow, which laid down certain rules to be followed.
It was quite natural that the younger and smaller Finnish-Canadian labour movement had to rely on the financial help of their fellows in the United States on many occcasions, in addition to help in the form of political activists and organizers who made visits to Canada. For example, in 1915 the Finnish Socialist branch of Port Arthur, Ontario, was given permission to collect money from Finnish branches in the United States, and in 1916 the Finnish branch in Vancouver had the similar right. In 1920 it was decided that all the Finnish socialist branches in the United States would organize a dance, the profits from which would be delivered to the Canadians in order to help the paper Työkansa in its financial troubles.25
The use of the expertise of the U.S. Finnish radicals can also be considered as organizational help. A good example is the tense situation in Canada in 1918, when the Finnish Socialist Organization of Canada, as a potential enemy group, faced the cancellation of its activities and its newspaper. David Edward Smith has stated that after the Bolshevik revolution "the government became hypersensitive to subversion".26 Several Finns in Canada were arrested and fined and many were deported. In this crisis Canadian Finns turned to a Finnish-American socialist leader, Santeri Nuorteva, of New York, founder of the Finnish People's Republic.27 Nuorteva asked for the assistance of the United States officials to get to Canada,28 where he and J. W. Ahlqvist, the leader of the Finnish Socialist Organization of Canada, wrote a long and detailed letter on behalf of the Finnish immigrant group. They presented it to the federal government, and shortly after the Organization was able to resume its activities.29
Cooperation between the Finnish socialists of both countries was officially approved after the First World War.30 This became even more important in the early 1920s, at the time of severe immigration restrictions in the United States.31 Thereafter migration from Finland was directed increasingly to Canada and the importance of the Finnish-Canadian labour movement began to grow. Relations between the communist-dominated Finnish organizations in the two countries were very close. This is evident in the common financial ventures like in the effort to help the Karelian Workers' Commune in Soviet Karelia, or aid to the labour movement in Finland to recover from the Civil War of 1918.32
The two labour movements cooperated in other ways. Committees were set up to study the recent immigrants from the old country to find out which side they had been fought on during the Finnish Civil War. Participation in the war on the White side was strongly condemned and when white supporters were found in America they were dealt with harshly. The committees were established in the early 1920s by all three Finnish-American workers' groups - the Wobblies, the socialists and the communists.33 Not even in Canada were they founded and led by the communists only, as Raivio appears to suggest; OBU supporters also participated actively in the committees.34
During the third decade of this century the effort to build up the Soviet Karelia became increasingly important in the minds of the Finnish radicals in North America, primarily among the communists. In the beginning the radicals sent money and material help and established a few cooperative colonies in Karelia. However, from the late 1920s with the coming of the Depression, up to 10,000 Canadian and U.S. Finns moved back to Soviet Karelia to build a "real workers' republic".35 Another occasion for Finnish-Canadian-U.S. cooperation was the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939. Both movements contributed substantial sums of money and several hundred Finnish-American radicals went to Spain to fight with other American and European volunteers on the Republican side against Franco.36 As well as these major cooperative enterprises, we must also remember that the Finnish labour movement in North America participated in the larger American and Canadian labour activities in their native countries on a non-ethnic basis.
On the third level of contacts, in general cultural relations, there is clear evidence of cooperation between the Finnish labour movements in Canada and the United States. Just as it was possible for labour organizers to cross the border to undertake some temporary organizational or political action work, in the same way many newspapermen, in addition to their ordinary jobs, played an active role in radical politics in both countries. As can be seen in the labour leader list of Sulkanen,37 many of those leaders were journalists.
It was also quite common that people in the arts, such as theatre directors, worked in Finnish communities in both countries. The American Finns had a very active theatre, particularly in the Finnish radical movement. The close cooperation between the Finnish labour organizations made such cultural interchanges possible. One of the most prominent Finnish-American theatre directors, Felix Hyrske, for example, headed the Finnish socialist theatre in Port Arthur, Ontario, for four years and later moved to Fitchburg, Massachusetts, to direct the Finnish theatre there.38 The same type of cooperation could be arranged in the form of visits of speakers, theatre groups, choruses, and so forth, as well as visits of sportsmen.39
One of the most important examples of such cultural sharing was the Work People's College, Duluth, Minnesota, which provided education for labour organizers, speakers and journalists. This socialist and later syndicalist school was most active during the second and third decade of the present century. Its reputation as a revolutionary school was partly exaggerated, since its curriculum included many practical subjects such as English, American constitution and history, accounting, and so forth. The Work People's College enrolled a good number of students from the Canadian side of the border; in 1913-1914, for example, there were 157 students in the school, 21 of whom were from Canada, almost all of them from Ontario.40 The college provided an opportunity for students of both countries to exchange socialist ideas and it is apparent that this was an important avenue through which U.S. influences entered Canada.
The area of literature, however, appears to have been the most important expression of cultural cooperation between the Finns in Canada and the United States. Because the Finnish community was older and more established in the United States, it was quite natural that they had founded publishing houses which distributed literature also to Canada. Until the period of the First World War Finnish publishers from the United States dominated the whole of the Finnish literary market in North America. These publishers were mainly connected with large newspapers like Raivaaja of Fitchburg, Massachussetts, Työmies (Worker) of Superior, Wisconsin, Toveri (Comrade) of Astoria, Oregon, and Industrialisti (Industrialist) of Duluth, Minnesota, which were all strongly labour-oriented papers. The rightist or liberal publishers in the United States were as powerful, while the Finnish Lutheran Book Concern of Hancock, Michigan, has always been one of the most active Finnish-American publishers. With the growth of the Finnish population in Canada, however, their own publishing activities increased and Vapaus (Freedom), the successor of Työkansa, became the most important newspaper there.
The fact remains that the Finnish population in North America is small and thus the market .for Finnish literary works is limited. This is why most Finnish-American journals have had a short life and why many labour publishers have actively sought Canadian cooperation. After the ideological split of 1919-1921, the communist-dominated papers Työmies, Toveri and Eteenpäin (Forward) began to coordinate their publishing efforts. In 1923 Vapaus of Canada joined these companies and as a result of this cooperation numerous calendars, periodicals and occasional publications of a leftist nature were produced.42 In later years the Finnish-Canadian element in the cooperative publishing effort has become more important. This has been due mainly to the aging of the Finnish immigrant population in the United States, where the second generation has not been so much interested in labour politics.
The history of the Finnish-American labour newspapers provides a good illustration of the cooperation between the Finnish labour movements in the two countries. As Arja Pilli states in her study, the publishing activities of the Canadian Finns had a low prior up to the First World War, and thus U.S. newspapers and periodicals as well as literature were distributed to the Canadian Finns. These papers were very important to Canadians.43 They contained a lot of news and general information as well as local letters from Canada and thus helped maintain contact between the labour movements. The importance of Työmies, for example, for the Finns in Canada, is seen in its circulation figures: Työmies had about 1,700 subscribers in Canada before the Canadian authorities cancelled its mailing permit to Canada during the growing antiradical sentiment in Canada in 1918.44 Supporters of the Finnish OBU in Canada had no newspaper of their own, and had to rely on the Industrialisti of Duluth, the supporter of the IWW. Even this paper appears to have had a considerable circulation in Canada during the early 1920s, apparently around 2,000 copies.45 Also, the communist women's paper Toveritar (Woman Comrade) of Astoria, Oregon, had a large circulation in Canada, since it was the only women's paper in the Finnish language in North America.
This paper has discussed the various kinds of contact and cooperation between the Finnish labour movements in Canada and the United States. The division has been made between the personal, organizational and cultural contacts, but it should be emphasized that in many cases the categories overlap; it is particularly difficult to separate the personal and organizational contacts, and in many cases general cultural contacts can be identified with organizational activities. It is also clear that the older and stronger Finnish movement in the United States dominated the relationship in the early years and gave important help in the organizational and cultural fields to the Canadian Finns. It can be said that the Finnish-Canadian movement was at that time dependent on the Finnish movement in the United States. However, after the First World War the relationship became more balanced, while cooperation between the movements increased under strong communist influence.
Generally speaking, the cooperation between the Finnish labour movements in Canada and the United States is a reflection of the shared background of the Finnish population in the two countries. Most of the Finnish immigrants were workers jobs such as mining, lumbering, farming and manufacturing. Occupational similarity made it easy to find work on the other side of the border if necessary. The cultural background made the Finns' associational life almost identical in the two countries. This affected the development of the labour movement, which followed the same lines in Canada and the United States; even ideological crises happened in the same way, as in the case of the formation of the communist movement or the great consumers' cooperative schism in the late 1920s. Considering the development of the Finnish-American labour movement in general, we may argue that close relations and interdependence is so advantageous that the border between the United States and Canada can be seen as an obstacle for their further development and cooperation.
It should also be borne in mind that organizational cooperation over the border has been common and perhaps even closer in other groups of the Finnish-American community. For example, the religious work among the Canadian Finns appears to have started from the United States' side; the Suomi Synod and the Evangelical Lutheran National Church had a number of active parishes in Canada.46 Close connections are also seen in the case of organizations such as Yhdistyneet Kalevan Veljet ja Sisaret (The United Brothers and Sisters of Kaleva) on the West Coast.47 A common feature of all of these organizations is that the Finnish group in the United States appears to been the prime mover and initiator, just as in the case of the labour movement.
These facts lead us to certain conclusions on the nature of the relations between the Canadian and American societies. The outer appearance of the two societies is strikingly similar with strong ethnic elements and the same type of social structures. The economic cooperation between the two countries has been close, and the United States has invested huge amounts of money in Canada.48 Even the history of political life in our century shows examples of similarity, as in the case of the attitude toward labour and radical groups during World War One and the 1920s when a very strong anti-alien and anti-radical climate prevailed in both countries.
The similarities in the two countries during this period, however, should not lead us to overlook the many differences; in the matter of ethnic groups, further study on the relationships and cooperation between Canada and the United States are needed. Specifically, we need to know to what extent the thesis presented here on the closeness of the Finnish-American and Finnish-Canadian communities reflects the relations of the ethnic groups in general in the two countries.
1. See, e.g., S. Ilmonen, Amerikan Suomalaisten Historia II ja elämäkertoja (Jyväskylä, 1923), p. 318; cf. Elis Sulkanen, Amerikan Suomalaisen Työväenliikkeen Historia (Fitchburg, Mass., 1951), p. 26.
2. For a general developmental work, see Auvo Kostiainen, The Forging of Finnish-American Cornmunism, 1917-1924. A Study in Ethnic Radicalism, Annales Universitatis Turkuensis, Ser. B, Part 147 (Turku, 1978), esp. pp. 26-43 and passim.
3. Information quoted from Yrjö Raivio, Kanadan Suornalaisten Historia II (Copper Cliff, Ont., 1975), pp. 118, 130 and 168.
4. J. W. Ahlqvist, "Järjestömme toiminta vuoteen 1920", Canadan Suomalainen Järjestö 25 vuotta. Kuvauksia ja muistelmia 25-vuotiselta toimintataipaleelta 1911-1936 (Sudbury, Ont., 1936), p. 33.
5. Ibid., pp. 34-38.
6. Ivan Avakumovic, The Communist Party of Canada: A History (Toronto, 1975), esp. pp. 12-13. See also William Rodney, Soldiers of the International, A History of the Communist Party of Canada, 1919-1929 (Toronto, 1968).
7. Akseli Järnefelt, Suomalaiset Amerikassa (Helsinki, 1899), p. 251.
8. See Auvo Kostiainen, "Amerikansuomalaisen kuva: työttömyystyönä tallennettua Minnesotan suomalaisten historiaa", Historiallinen Arkisto, 31 (1976), table 4, p. 422; cf. Keijo Virtanen, "The influence of Automotive Industry on the Ethnic Picture of Detroit, Michigan, 1900-1940", Publications of the Institute of History General History University of Turku, Finland, No. 9 Studies (1977), esp. p. 85.
9. The materials were the questionnaires to the Finnish immigrants in North America, returned to the Institute of History, General History, University of Turku in the 1960s, abbreviated here as TYYH. For this study the questionnaries no. 1-100, 601-700, 1201-1300, and 1801-1900 were researched, 391 of which contained information about residence in North America.
10. Migration from Canada to the United States has been heavy in this century, since during many calendar years more than 100,000 persons moved to the United States. The highest number was reached in 1924, when 200,690 persons from Canada and Newfoundland migrated to the United States. See Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 Part 1. Bicentennial Edition (Washington, D.C., 1975), p. 107.
11. The 19 persons Sulkanen lists are the following with short identification of their labour activities:
V. S. Alanne, consumers' cooperative leader; Moses Hahl, newspaperman, author; Yrjö (George) Halonen, newspaperman, consumers' cooperative leader; Alfred Hautamäki, consumers' cooperativist, socialist organizer; K. E. Heikkinen, newspaperman; Martin Hendrickson, one of the early "socialist apostles"; Matti Herneshuhta, socialist organizer, author; Felix Hyrske, theatre director, author; Anton Jäntti, socialist activist; Sanna Kannasto, socialist speaker; John Malo, union organizer, speaker; Lauri Moilanen, newspaperman; Yrjö Mäkelä, newspaperman, Social Democratic leader; Hugo Paasikivi, business manager; Gustaf Pursi, socialist activist; Aku Päiviö, newspaperman, poet; John Suominen, business manager; F. J. Syrjälä, newspaperman, social democratic leader; Oskari Tokoi, newspaperman (Sulkanen, pp. 485-503).
12. See Ahlqvist, "Järjestömme toiminta", p. 33.
13. Ibid., p. 34
14. See Aika, Feb. 15, 1904, quoted from Raivio, p. 385
15. Arthur A. Johnson, "The Kalevan Kansa Colonization Company Limited's Relationship with North American Utopian Socialist Settlements from 1900 to 1905" (MA thesis, Department of History, University of Turku, Finland 1979) Appendices 1-4, pp. 74-78.
16. Papers dealing with the Finnish radicals in the state of Minnesota and their activities regarding the participation in the war are found, e.g., in the papers of the Minnesota Public Safety Commission, located in Minnesota State Historical Society, St. Paul, Minn.
17. See "John Wiidan muistelmat", manuscript preserved at the TYYH, p. 69, Wiita describes his stay in Canada during 1917-1923 on pp. 69-73.
18. Ahlqvist, "Järjestömme toiminta", p. 34.
19. See, e.g., Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the Finnish Federation of the Workers Party of America, May 27, 1923. Finnish Socialist Federation, New York, N.Y., and Chicago, Ill., papers at the Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota, St. Paul, Minn., hereafter referred to as the FSF papers, IHRC.
20. Kolmannen Amerikan Suornalaisen Sosialistijärjestön Edustajakokouksen Pöytäkirja, Kokous pidetty Hancockissa, Mieh. 23-30 p. Elok., 1909. Toim, F. J. Syrjälä (Fitchburg, Mass., n.d.), p. 5.
21 Suomalaisten sosialistiosastojen ja työväenyhdistysten viidennen eli suomalaisen sosialistijärjestön kolmannen edustajakokouksen Pöytäkirja 1-5, 7-10 p. kesäkuuta, 1912. Toim, Aku Rissanen (Fitchburg, Mass., n.d.), p. 139.
22. Ibid., pp. 105-6, 229-35 and 314-15.
23. Cf.Yhdysvaltain Suomalaisen Sosialistijärjestön Viidennen Edustajakokouksen Pöytäkirja Chicagossa, Ill., lokakuun 25 p:stä marraskuun 3 p:ään, 1919. Toim. J. F. Mäki (Superior, Wis., 1920), p. 8; Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the FSF, meeting starting on Dec. 22, 1918, FSF papers, IHRC, which meetings discussed the important question of the effect of the war on both countries; see also Kostiainen, The Forging, pp. 62-63; Suomalaisen Sosialisti Järjestön yhdeksännen edustajakokouksen Pöytäkirja. Laadittu Chicagossa, Ill., helmikuun 28 p. - 4 p. maalisk., 1923 pidetyssä S.S. Järjestön edustajakokouksessa". Työmies, Apr. 8, 1923.
24. See, e.g., Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the FSF, May 26, 1918, FSF papers, IHRC; and Canadan Suomalaisen Sosialistijärjestön Ensirnrnäisen Edustajakokouksen Pöytäkirja. Kokous pidetty Port Arthurissa, Ont., 19-23 p:nä niaaliskuuta 1914. Toim. Aku Päiviö (Port Arthur, Ont., n.d.), p. 5.
25. See "S.S. Järjestön Keskusviraston Toimintakertomus vuosilta 1915-1919, järjestön edustajakokoukselle, joka pidettiin Chicagossa, Ill., lokak. 25 p. 1919", Yhdysvaltain Suomalaisen Sosialistijärjestön Viidennen, pp. 23 and 118-30, 132.
26. David Edward Smith, "Emergency Government in Canada," Canadian Historical Review, 50, no. 4 (1969), esp. pp. 435-48.
27. See Auvo Kostiainen, " 'Punaisen Suomen' edustus Yhdysvalloissa vuonna 1918", Turun Historiallinen Arkisto, XXVII (1972), passim.
28. Santeri Nuorteva to Ltn. Hamlin of the Military Intelligence Bureau, dated Oct. 2, 1918. Records of War Department, General of Special Staffs MIO Correspondence, 1917-1940. Microfilm from the National Archives of the United States, Washington, D.C.
29. The letter in question is in Ahlqvist, "Järjestömme toiminta", pp. 44-47; cf. Arja Pilli, "Kanadansuomalaisen lehdistön synty ja kehitysvaiheet ajanjaksona 1901-1939", (Ph. lic. thesis in general history, University of Turku, 1979), pp. 142-43. An English version of the letter is found in J. Donald Wilson, "The Finnish Organization of Canada, the 'Language Barrier', and the Assimilation Process", Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes Ethniyues du Canada, IX, no. 2, 1977, pp. 107-12. The article by Wilson gives the idea that Ahlqvist was the author of the letter. However, as it also comes out of the article by Ahlqvist, ("Järjestönmne toiminta", p. 43), the experienced newspaperman, politician and"Red Finland's" ambassador in the United States, Santeri Nuorteva, played an important role in the process. I believe that he was the primary author of the letter.
30. Minutes of the Central Executive Connnittee of the FSF, Aug. 25, 1918, FSF papers, IHRC.
31. Cf. John Higham, Strangers in the Land. Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925 (New York, 1973), pp. 308-24. For a general interpretation of this period in the history of the United States, see Auvo Kostiainen, "Miten maa normalisoitiin? Yhdysvallat 1910-ja 1920-lukujen vaihteessa", Historiallinen Aikakauskirja, 1 (1979), pp. 37-40.
32. See Minutes of the Central Executive Committee of the FSF, Apr. 28, 1818 and Oct. 26, 1924, FSF papers, IHRC.
33. Varpu Luodesmeri, "Amerikansuomalaisten työväenjärjestöjen suhtautuminen Suomesta vuoden 1918 sodan jälkeen tulleisiin siirtolaisiin. 'Hiljan Suomesta tulleitten tutkijakomiteat'", Turun Historiallinen Arkisto, 29 (1974), p. 82; cf. Kostiainen, The Forging, pp. 55-57; even the authorities in Finland were notified of the committees' activities, see folder "Suomalaiset kommunistijärjestöt Kanadassa 1924", in the papers of the Finnish Legation in London, group 34/231, the Archives of the Finnish Foreign Ministry, Helsinki.
34. Raivio, pp. 464-84; see his stress on the communists, esp. pp. 464-65 and 485. Raivio's general stand on the labour movement appears to be clearly biased, and it seems that he does not recognize the differences between the different labour groups.
35. See Kostiainen, The Forging, pp. 162-67 and 192.
36. A discussion of the American Finns' participation in the war is presented by Marja-Liisa Pohjanvirta, "Amerikansuomalaiset ja Espanjan sisällissota 1936-1939", (M.A. thesis in general history, University of Turku, 1975).
37. See note 11.
38. See A. Kari, "Canadan Suomalaisen Järjestön Port Arthurin Osaston Näyttämö," Canadan Suomalainen Järjestö 25 vuotta, pp. 136-40.
39. For example, "Työläisurheilija", Työväen olympialaisvastaiset kisat Chicagossa, Taistelun Viiri, 1933, pp. 14-16.
40. Hannu Heinilä, "Work People's College -Amerikansuomalaisen työväestön oppilaitos", (M.A. thesis in general history, University of Turku, 1976), pp. 153-54.
41. See Auvo Kostiainen, "Features of Finnish-American Publishing", Publications of the Institute of History, General History, University of Turku, Finland, Nr. 9 Studies. Ed. by Vilho Niitemaa (Vaasa, 1977), esp. pp. 59-62.
42. Ibid., pp. 62-64
43. Pilli, pp.112-13.
44. Ibid., p. 114. Työkansa's highest circulation numbers were probably around 3,000, while it is reported that Vapaus had a circulation of 3,800 in late 1918. The circulation of any single Finnish-Canadian newspaper has hardly exceeded this. In the United States, the circulation of Työmies in the 1920s was more than 10,000 at its peak, and probably also Industrialisti had during this decade more than 10,000 subscribers. Kostiainen, The Forging, p. 144.
45. The estimate was made on the basis of the Christmas and New Year's greetings published in Industrialisti in 1924. At that time there were more than 17,000 names in the greetings, about 2,700 from Canada, nine-tenths of which were from Ontario.
46. See, e.g., Raivio, pp. 206-7 and Evankelis-Luterilainen Kansalliskirkko. Ensimmäiset 50 vuotta (Ironwood, Mich., n.d.), pp. 353-57.
47. Y.S.K.V ja S.-Liiton 50-Vuotishistoria. Muistojulkaisu (Astoria, Ore., 1937), esp. pp. 242-64.
48. In 1936 there were 816 U.S.-owned or U.S.-controlled manufacturing enterprises in Canada (excluding paper and pulp), and the direct investment of the United States during that year was $530 million. Mira Wilkins, The Maturing of Multinational Enterprise: American Business Abroad from 1914 to 1970 (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), table VIII: 4, p. 189.
Published in Finnish Diaspora I: Canada, South America, Africa, Australia and Sweden. Papers of the Finn Forum Conference, held in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, November 1-3, 1979. Ed. by Michael G. Karni, Toronto, Ont. 1981, p. 33-48.
© Auvo Kostiainen
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