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New Forms or Old Traditions? On the Festivities of the Finnish-Americans

Auvo Kostiainen

American society is made up from ideological, economic, cultural and also ethnic subgroups which exist under the "umbrella" of the prevailing "American" values, views and structures. Thus we have to see all ethnic American history as an integral part of the American history and reality. It is also well known that different views have been presented on the actual intercourse of the ethnic groups or on the intercourse between "American society" and different cultural and racial subgroups The main theories on the topics are those of the "melting pot", "cultural pluralism" and "multiculturalism".1

Each ethnic group brought with it to America values, customs, and traditions of its own. The preservation of and changes in these must be seen as a part of the assimilation and integration of the ethnic minority. The process of assimilation and acculturation in the United States has been studied widely and usually the topics discussed have been the following: the changes in the values and traditions of the immigrants of the first, second and third generations, the adoption of the English language, the relations with differing "American" groups, and the naturalization process.2

Researchers examining the assimilation And integration of the immigrants have usually concentrated either on the development of the individual immigrant - i.e. what happened to him or her, whom did he/she marry etc.- or on the immigrant community organizations and their development. This has also been the case regarding the relatively small Finnish immigiant group in the United States.3

However, it seems that we might add to the knowledge about immigrant experiences by studying their collective traditions, in this case their festivals. In this kind of study we are dealing with many interdisciplinary problems - e.g. those derived from history sad folklore, but we may also mend the questions to the fields of sociology, psychology, and politics. It seems that rather little attention has been earlier directed to this field of study, although references to the questions have been made in many instances. In respect of the history of Finnish-American relations we find only a couple of articles dealing with our topic, and it seems that the situation is the same in regard to the other ethnic minorities, too.4 We are thus dealing with a kind of untouched soil. In the following I will try to introduce some topics for study in this context - mainly, however, what follows is an attempt to classify the festival traditions and celebrations of the Finnish immigrants. We will concentrate on annual festivities, not on those carrying on the family tradition in respect of wedding celebrations and the like.

The question might be posed - why did the immigrants preserve festival traditions at all? And the answer to the question is quite simple; the festivals and celebrations preserved mainly ethnic ties and the need for contact between people in a strange environment. They were mostly meetings of people with the same ethnic background. In addition, depending on the organizer of the festivities, they served religious, ideological, ethical, organizational and other purposes as well.

We might broadly distinguish three types of festivals in regard to the connections with the "old" and the "new" countries. Firstly, there are festivities clearly eonnected with traditions in the old country. Sadly, there are festivities deriving from international celebrations. And thirdly, we may distinguish "American festivals", or participation in celebrations reflecting models received from either the "American" tradition or from a tradition derived from the celebrations of other ethnic groups in the country.

To start with we will consider the "old country" festival traditions. Naturally it is not always easy to distinguish exactly which celebration is derived from the "old country". However, by far the most celebrated of this kind of festival has been Midsummer (Juhannus) - as celebrated in the traditional Finnish way. Many other nationalities of course also celebrated that festival, but we may still speak of a traditional Finnish Midsummer festival. In different publications and sources we find information about numerous Midsummer festivals with big Midsummer bonfires. Tlte festivities were arranged by organizations with different ideological orientations like temperance movement groups, workers' associations, fraternal societies or even churches. Most commonly it seems that many Midsummer festivities developed into large meetings of the Finnish population with speeches, plays, sports events, etc. When the celebrations included hundreds, perhaps even thousands of participants, the ideological aspects tended to lose their importance. The celebrations became mainly social gatherings. Even today the Midsummer bonfires are lit by the descendants of the Finnish immigrants in different parts of the United States and Canada.

Apart from Midsummer it is not easy to find among the Finnish immigrants many festivals clearly based on Finnish tradition. Even here we may find at least one exception, in regard to which also a study has been undertaken: that of celebrating Laskiainen (called in English the "Finnish sliding festival", which ordinarily takes place in February. Although this celebration has originally a religious and in this sense an international background, referring to the early period of Easter-time, there is a traditional Finnish way of celebrating it, sliding down the hill, which has nothing to do with religion. This tradition has been preserved at least in the Iron Range of Northern Minnesota, where it has been celebrated in the community of Palo at least from 1937. Even today this tradition survives and attracts lots of sliders every year. An interesting fact is that it is not only a Finnish celebration, but it has also the support of numerous non-Finnish community members New elements have been added that indicate the interchange of Finnish and "American" traditions: the Laskiainen Queen coronation, curling and an ice-hockey tournaments.5

There are also festivities celebrating some historically important Finnish events or personalities. Examples of these are the celebration of Finnish independence, which annually took the form of distinguished speeches at Finnish halls and meeting places. An exception here were the Finnish-American radicals. It seems that independence celebrations were not ordinarily organized by Finnish-American radicals, mainly because of the bitter memories of the Finnish Civil War of 1918, in which the radicals lost and the "whites" won. Instead, the Finnish radicals in America sometimes had festivities to commemorate the outbreak of the Finnish Civil War.

Further it was customary among certain circles of American Finnish society to celebrate the birthday of the Finnish "national poet", J. L. Runeberg, or the publishing of the Kalevala, the Finnish national epic. In the past festivities of this kind were organized mainly by "nationalistic" organizations like the Ladies and Knights of Kalevala.

Many summer festivals were organized by Finnish immigrants in different parts of the country, and they had a clear Finnish background or organizational example. They were usually set up by certain large immigrant organizations, as was the case with many other ethnic groups, too. Thus we find information on the summer festivals from the Finnish-American churches, temperance groups, socialist organizations, etc. The program of these festivities usually followed the ideological contents of the organizer. However, it was quite common for festivities of this kind to undergo the same changes as the Midsummer festivals - in many cases they became more or less general ethnic celebrations and social gatherings of the Finnish stock.

The models for the Finnish summer festivals were apparently in large part taken from Finland. At the turn of the century it was quite customary to hold summer festivals in Finland on the same ideological-organizational basis as mentioned above, but it was also customary for the celebrations to include many organizers from different groups, who joined together to celebrate, for example, the birthday of J.V. Snellman, the famous nineteenth century Finnish statesman.

The second group of festivities are those connected with "international" celebrations. By this I mean celebrations like Christmas, New Year, and May Day. These festivals had been traditional already in the "Old Country", but as almost all the nationalities in the United States celebrated them, it is reasonable to distinguish them as a separate "international" category of festivities.

In Europe May Day is today, and has been for decades, an important workers's festival or a day of diversion for other social groups, but in the United States it has not been declared a national holiday. The corresponding celebration in the United States is Labor Day in the fall, and this is not observed in the same way as May Day in Europe.

Anyway the Finns brought with them the international celebration of May Day to many Finnish communities in North America. Here we have to remember the divisions within the Finnish immigrant community. There were the active "labor" or radical groups, and then the temperance and church people. In addition these groups were split into many subgroups. However, a large number of Finns did not participate actively in any of the organized groups.

Many May Day celebrations were organized and street demonstrations held by the Finnish workers' associations, and there celebrations and demonstrations caught the attention of other people living in the same communities. In smaller locations the participants were usually Finns only, but in larger urban centers the May Day celebrations were gatherings of many nationalities, and speeches were given in many languages. Certain bigger organizations or political parties were usually the organizers of this kind of multinational celebration. Since the Finnish labor movement was far from united, it was quite common for May Day to be celebrated in different communities with slightly differing emphasis. There was, however, one general feature in the Finnish radicals' May Day and other celebrations: the events were based on a program that included theater, musical performances, and speeches. Here we are referring to the concept of "hall socialism" and the abundant activities around the Finnish immigrant meeting places - the halls.6

Typical of the Finnish radicals was also the commemoration of a few other international workers' festivals or important dates. Particularly following the Russian revolution of 1917 it was customary to celebrate the event. The radical newspapers informed their readers about the revolution, and workers' halls were filled with enthusiastic participants However, even here we se the changes in attitudes and celebrations. For example after some time the syndicalist or IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) supporters noticed that the Russian Bolsheviks did not actually uphold their ideals. This resulted in a revision of feeling against the commemorative festivities, too.7

Naturally there were many celebrations in the traditions of the churches like that of Easter and Christmas, which were common festivities in the United States both officially and for most of the ethnic groups. The most important of these by far for the immigrant Finns appears to have been Christmas. But we may also see a few special features typical only of the Finns apparently. We should here point out the differing emphasis and tradition which soon developed for each "section" among the Finnish immigrants. The religious gathered in their own churches or meeting places with traditional programs, but naturally each religious section ordinarily organized meetings of its own. Thus, for example, in 1914 the temperance hall of Walo (Light) of Ironwood, Michigan was filled with the religious on Christmas Eve. The program had been planned in good time and it included speeches by three Finnish-American ministers, musical performances, and finally a social gathering with coffee and the distribution of the Christmas gifts brought by the people to the meeting. On Christmas Day there was a children's party by the same church-oriented group. The program again included a speech by the Finnish minister, community singing and a program performed by the children participating in the Sunday school of the Methodist church.8

The radical Christmas celebrations were quite different. It was customary for plays to be presented in the socialist hall (the actors usually came from the local workers' theater group). The Finnish-American labor press was full of theater advertisements in the first three or four decades of this century. For example, in Christmas 1914 one of the best Finnish-American theaters, that of the Sauna Workers' Club in Fitchburg, Massachusetts, presented a play by Hall Caine translated into Finnish, called Ikuinen Kaupunki (The Eternal City). The tragedy proved to be an "enormous success" according to the reports published in the newspapers.9

Boxing Day (in Finland known as Tapaninpäivä), was often celebrated among radical circles by holding dances in the halls, probably a common custom already in Finland at the turn of the century.10

In studying the celebration of Christmas by the radical Finnish immigrants in the United States, we can see very clearly the effect of their ideological connections: It was customary to write and speak about the essence of Christmas, and the historical truth connected with its celebration and religious habits was commonly criticized. It was also customary to talk about the political and economic situation of the period, so as not to forget the "hard facts of life".

The celebration of the New Year generally proceeded in the same way as the Christmas festivities described above. Each group usually had its own way of emphasizing the event. Religious people held their own meetings. For example, in 1914 the temperance society called Etelän tähti (The Southern Cross) of Erwin Town, Michigan, organized "uudenvuodenvalvojaiset" (a New Year's Vigil) with a program that included speeches by two ministers, some more secular speeches, poems, musical presentations, and short plays.11 Thus it seems that the New Year was not as loaded with religion as Christmas.

In Cleveland, Ohio, correspondingly, the socialists organized a big New Year's Eve celebration with the following program: speeches, poems, musical violin performances, singing by a "mölykööri". (the exact translation is the "Noisy Chorus", but it was apparently a male chorus), "kuplettilaulua" (comic singing), and a dramatic play named "Leo ja Liina" (Leo and Liina) by Aleksis Kivi, the "national author" of Finland.12

It is also interesting to note that the celebration of Christmas was clearly "commercialized" even before the First World War. This is seen, for ezample in the numerous advertisements in the Finnish-American press, the number of which grew rapidly when the Christmas season was advancing. The Finnish press - independent, conservative and labor - carried lots of advertisements, and suggestions were made for gifts, e.g. to buy clothes or furniture or literature. Even banks offered special services for wage earners, suggesting that they should open a special Christmas savings account. The enticement was: "You may save money during the year for Christmas, and you will have more money to buy gifts!"13

The third type of festivities were those adopted from the "new country". As stated earlier, the possibilities were to participate either in "American" festivities or in celebrations derived from the traditions of some other ethnic groups in North America. For Americans in general Independence Day was the holiday most commonly observed. The late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries hardly witnessed a major Finnish participation in this kind of celebration. Finnish-American radicals did not of course have any major desire to participate for ideological reasons: there was no sense in celebrating "capitalist America". But some other groups in the Finnish community did participate more eagerly in the celebrations. The Fourth of July was mentioned in speeches, and the Finns also participated in street meetings and demonstrations, usually organized by some "American" societies like the American Legion.

The Finns also took part in organizing parades for the Fourth of July, e.g. by building floats. Thus in the Fourth of July parade of 1935 in Nashwauk, Minnesota, the local Finnish "Kalevainen" organization won the first prize in the parade for a float presenting Wäinämöinen and Aino, the legendary figures from the Kalevala.14

From the early twentieth century not much evidence is to be found of the American Finns celebrating other "American holidays", such as the birthdays of the presidents. However, with the education of the immigrant children it was possible to introduce "real American values" to the immigrants, and so the celebration of St. Valentine's Day, Thanksgiving and Labor Day began. We could, for example study the calendar books of the Finnish-Americans to examine their attitudes toward these and other "American celebrations". Thus when we compare the temperance, religious and workers' calendars for the year 1912 we find that the religious Kirkollinen Kalenteri is full of messages for people and offers spiritual strength for its readers. Thanksgiving Day is mentioned as a common American celebration. The temperance calendar book Raittiuskalenteri lists a number of important Finnish, international, American and Finnish-American events and data to be remembered. It even lists the major celebrations by each state in addition to the listing of national festivities. Then there is the socialist calendar Tietokäsikirja, which lists for every month a number of important Finnish, international and American events - mainly those of political importance. The viewpoint presented is that of organized labor. As regards Thanksgiving Day, to take an example, it is pointed out that "ordinarily Finnish socialists spend this day in agitation work and sell Finnish-American workers' newspapers".15

One way by which the immigrant generation got acquainted with "American habits" was of course the actual situation of living and working in the new society - in which, however, it was customary for different ethnic groups to concentrate in locations of their own. In this way were created the Finn towns, German towns, Swedish towns, and Chinatowns, where the old country's values and traditions were preserved to a significant extent. In this kind of environment it was not so easy to transplant "American festivities". But on the other hand the immigrant nationalities were inevitably to some extent mixed in with each other and got used to the ways of life of other nationalities. The acculturation naturally happened with varying degrees and speeds in different places, depending for example on the size, cohesion and concentration of the ethnic group in the particular geographical location.

Inescapably there was also some pressure coming from American society or from Americanizing elements which pushed towards greater assimilation of the immigrants. The "one hundred percent Americanism" movement of the early twentieth century, and, for example, the naturalization requirements, brought the immigrants more closely up against "American ways of living".16 In regard to the actual participation of the ethnic minorities in, e.g. the Labor Day celebrations, and so on, further study is needed.

Now what do we know about the participation of Finnish-Americans in the festivities organized by other ethnic groups? The evidence is scanty so far, but at least in certain localities Finns got together with Italians to celebrate Christmas.17 Contacts must have existed, mainly with groups which were concentrated in the same working or living places as the Finns. Thus we can speak of the Italian, South Slavic or Yugoslav, and Scandinavian contacts. With regard to the latter, the festival traditions were very similar. But the Italians and South Slavs were Catholic, and there was a language barrier, too. Thus there were not very many possibilities of adopting each other's festival traditions.

To study relationships of this kind we should take a look at the questionnaires returned in a study of Finnish immigrants. The question was posed as to what kind of celebrations and festivals the immigrants observed in North America and whether they had joined in common celebrations with other nationalities or seen any influences on their own traditions. The answers contained the information that the Finns in America overwhelmingly followed models from Finland, although it was said that there were fewer possibilities in America to celebrate. Particularly Christmas, Midsummer and May Day were celebrated. Of the "American" holidays many emphasized the festivities around the Fourth of July, but Thanksgiving Day, too, was often mentioned. In regard to influences from other immigrant groups the answers were mostly negative, or it was said that the Finns had not participated much in other nationalities' celebrations and that other ethnic groups did not participate much in the Finns' festivities. There were, however, some references to common festivities, and quite a few persons recounted that one result of the contacts with other nationalities was a tendency toward heavy drinking!18 The last-mentioned fact was not necessarily a result of contacts with other nationalities, since the Finns in general had the reputation of being hard drinkers.

There is one important example in Finnish-American culture which does show an intermingling of Finnish and another ethnic group's culture. Since the 1950's, in the Midwestern states particularly, a tradition, legend and celebrations of St. Urho ("Urho" means "hero") have developed (apparently nothing to do with the former president of Finland, Urho Kekkonen). The festivities are ordinarily held annually in the middle of March, on the day preceding the Irish St. Patrick's Day. In recent years some research has been undertaken on the background and content of the tradition.19 The main theme can be briefly described. The summary of the legend is found in different versions of the "Ode to St. Urho". The oldest version, detailed in the Mesabi Daily News of Virginia, Minnesota, from May 25, 1956, is the following:

Ooksie koocksie coolama vee
Saintia Urho iss ta poy for me!
He sase out ta rogs so pig unt kreen
Praffest Finn In effer seen!
Some celeprate for Saint Pat not hiss nakes
Putt Urho poyka got what it takes.
He got tall unt trong from feelia sour
Unt ate culla moyaka effery hour.
Tat's why tat guy could soote tose rogs
What crew as pig as chack bine logs.
So let's giff a cheer in hower pest way
On May dwenny fort, Saint Urho's tay.

The legend as expressed in Finnglish (a mixture of English and Finnish, or English in "Finnish form") is difficult to grasp, but it tells the humorous legend of the ancient Finnish Saint. St Urho was the hero who expelled the frogs (in some versions the grasshoppers) from Finland in ancient times and thus saved the wine-crop. The legend has taken different forms in past decades; there is some disagreement on the actual celebration day of the hero, whether the day is the one preceding St. Patrick's day or some other day (in the legend above the date is in May). Even a version for children has been developed. At present St. Urho is very popular, particularly in the Midwest.

But what lies behind this legend, what does it tell us about the development of the Finnish-American community? It would seem that the legend started as an anti-Irish-American joke and as an institutionalized way of having fun among people of Finnish descent. This humorous aspect of the legend has always been very obvious. But the legend has also some wider meanings and connections. It shows the influence of the Irish-American heritage and their famous legend of St. Patrick. In some places the celebration has drawn even non-Finns together with the descendants of Finns.

The ways of celebrating St Urho's day show, too, an American influence, e.g, the commercialization of the holiday by the selling of buttons, postcards, and diplomas. St. Urho's day is apparently needed in one sense. It provides a possibility for the descendants of Finnish immigrants to meet other Finnish-related people and therefore, in spite of a resistance from certain more conservative-minded people, St Urbo is gaining more and more fame every year. The joke has developed into a pseudolegend, which is written about in the newspapers, and recounted on the radio and TV, and in respect of which official statements have been presented in state legislatures and in the speeches of state governors.

At this point it is also important to have some comparative information on the features of other ethnic festivals in the United States. Each group naturally had a history of their own, which came out in celebrations. Thus the Italians in Chicago, for example, joined together annually to celebrate September 20th, the day in 1870 when Rome became the capital of United Italy. It was also the custom to celebrate the anniversaries of battles fought in the struggle to achieve Italian unification, but also the birthdays of Italian heroes like Garibaldi and Martini were honored. There were then celebrations in honor of American holidays, like Independence Day and Memorial Day, in which Italian-Americans participated. The Italian-Americans also actively promoted the idea of proclaiming October 12th, Columbus Day, a national holiday. As the Finnish-Americans made efforts to build monuments and statues to commemorate the Kalevala or the coming of Finns and Swedes to America in the 1600's, the Italian-Americans supported plans for memorials to Columbus, Giuseppe Verdi, Dante and Garibaldi.19

Here we may see that there is a clear resemblance between the Finnish- and Italian-American festival traditions. A strong emphasis was laid on celebrations dealing with their old Country's history by both the Italians and the Finns. Both also started to take note of the "American" experience and traditions.

Finally one might ask, what really is the importance of festival traditions and the study of them? Firstly, we may say that the traditions tell us about the cultural heritage of the immigrant. Secondly, they show some of the ways in which the immigrants kept alive a kind of counter-culture which in turn helped their accommodation to and eased living conditions in the New World.

Again through the festivities we can see some of the important issues involving the immigrants and their relationship with the wider society. They tell us about the assimilation process. When the generations of the immigrants proper are gone, it is obvious that their traditions will to some extent have disappeared. Depending on the size, concentration of the ethnic group and the general strength of the traditions, parts of their traditions are nevertheless preserved, perhaps in a changing form. In this process even new traditions are created such as the Legend of St. Urho.


1. The theories are summarized and discussed in the "classic" of Milton Gordon, Assimilation in American Life. The Role of Race, Religion and National Origins. New York 1964, esp. pp. 84-159. For a bibliographic review on the actual discussion of the ethnicity, see e.g. Rudolph J. Vecoli, Euopean Americans From Immigrants to Ethnics, In the Reinterpretation of American History and Culture. Eds. William H. Cartwright and Richard L. Watson, Jr. Washington, D.C. 1973, pp, 81-112. It is also possible to look at the problems the other way around - or what do the immigrants give to Americans? See e.g. Allen H. Eaton, Immigrant Gifts to American Life, Arno repr. of the 1932 edition. New York 1970

2. There is an abundance of books and articles on this topic of differing ethnic groups, also discussed from the viewpoint of assimilation. An example of Finnish-American history is the Finnish Diaspora I-II. Papers of the Finn Forum conference, held in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, November 1-3, 1979. Toronto 1981 Ed by Michael J. Karni. For recent studies on the urban ethnic developments, see The Ethnic Frontier; Essays in the History of Group Survival in Chicago and the Midwest. Ed by Melvin G Holli and Peter d 'A. Jones. Grand Rapids, MI 1977, and Ethnic Chicago. Ed by Peter d'A Jones and Melvin G. Holli. Grand Rapids, MI 1981.

3. For recent works see the Finnish Diaspora articles mentioned above, footnote 2. Around 1920 there were about 150,000 Finns in the United States.

4. Ritva Paavolainen, "Amerikansuomalaisten St Urho's Day". In Ulkosuomalaisia, Kalevalaseuran vuosikirja 62 (1982), ed by Pekka Laaksonen & Pertti Virtaranta. Jyväskylä 1982, pp. 34-45; Auvo Kostiainen, Pyhä urho ja amerikansuomalaiset. Suomi-Finland USA 1/1975, pp. 14-15; E. Penti, Laskiainen in Palo: Vitality in an Ethnic Folk Festival. The presentation in the Finn Forum III Conference, Turku Sept 7, 1984. There is also found some information on the Finnish-American festivities in the histories of the Finns in different states of the U.S. A short list of those festivities is found in eg. John I. Kolehmainen, From Lake Erie's Shores to the Mahoning and Monongahela Valleys: A History of the Finns in Ohio, Western Pennsylvania and West Virginia. New York Mills, MN 1977, esp. pp. 308-310. About the celebrations of other ethnic groups we find some notes, but there has not been available any study concentrating on this topic. On the Italian ways of celebrating, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago 1880-1930: A Study of Ethnic Mobility. New York 1970, esp. pp. 178-181.

There are some studies which we might suspect to include information on festival tradition: Henry Samuel Heinonen, Finnish Rural Culture in South Osthrobotnia (Finland) and the Lake Superior (U.S.) Region - a Comparative Study. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Wisconsin, May 1941, looks at the comparisons from the point of view of geography; Harry Rickard Doby, A Study of Social Change and Social Disorganization in a Finnish Rural Community. PhD. thesis, Univ. of California, July 1960, has some references to the festival traditions in the community of Waino, WI, see esp, pp. 50-51, 104.

5. Penti; 1984; cf. Doby 1960, p. 51 On the Finnish traditions of Laskiainen, see, e.g. Ilmari Talve, Suomen kansankulttuuri. Historiallisia päälinjoja. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran toimituksia 355. Mikkeli 1979, pp. 193-194. Talve remarks that a kind of Laskiainen Queen coronation was not unknown in Finland either.

6. See, e.g. the advertisements for May Day celebrations in 1924 Industrialisti (syndicalist-IWW-supporter) and Työmies (communist-supporter).

7. For a closer inspection of the ideological disagreements, see Auvo Kostiainen, The Forging of Finnish-American Communism, 1917- 1924. A Study in Ethnic Radicalism. Annales Universitatis Turkuensis, See. B, Part 147, Turku 1978, esp. pp. 58-68, cf. 128-137.

8. See local news from Ironwood, MI. Päivälehti Dec 30, 1914.

9. See local news from Fitchburg, MA. Raivaaja Dec. 22 and 28, 1914.

10. Local news from Fitchburg, MA Raivaa ja Dec. 26, 1914.

11. Local news from Erwin Town. Päivälehti Dec. 29, 1914.

12. Local news from Cleveland, Ohio. Raivaaja Des 29, 1914.

13. See the commercial for the Christmas season in Päivälehti of Duluth, MN and Raivaaja of Fitchburg, MA in 1914.

14. Kalevainen 1936, the text for the photograph on p. 13.

15. Kirkollinen Kalenteri vuodelle 1912. Hanoock, MI 1911, see introduction and calendar section; Raittiuskalenteri 1912. Fitchburg, MA 1911, pp. 5-31; Tietokäsikirja 1912 Amerikan suomalaisille. Fitchburg, MA s.a, esp. the calendar section.

16. With regard to the Finnish Americans, see eg. Auvo Kostiainen, "For or Against Americanization? The Case of Finnish Immigrant Radicals". In American Labor and Immigration History, 1877-1920's: Recent European Research. Ed. by Dirk Hoerder. Urbana-Chicago-London 1983, pp. 259-275.

17. One of the examples is the famous incident and tragedy of the Italian hall of Hancock, MI in 1913. The Finnish and Italian miners with their families had gathered at a Christmas party. Somebody shouted "fire", although there was no fire, and caused great panic with tens of dead. See the amide by Arthur Puotinen, "Copper Country Finns and the Strike of 1913". In the Finnish Experience in the Western Great Lakes Region: New perspectives. Ed by Matti E. Kaups. Michael G. Karni and Douglas J. Ollila, Jr, Migration Studies, Vammala 1975, pp. 143-155.

18. See the questionnaires from the returned immigrants at the Immigration History Research Archives at the Dept. of History, Univ. of Turku, esp. no. 5601-5800.

19. See footnote 4, above.

Published in Dimensions in American Studies. Selected Papers from the Tampere University American Studies Conference 18-20 April, 1985; And the 30th Anniversary Conference in Tampere of the United States Educational Foundation in Finland 13-14 October, 1983. Acta Universitatis Tamperensis, Ser B, Vol. 25, 1986, p. 147-157.

© Auvo Kostiainen

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